THE LEMKO-RUSNIAK
MOUNTAINEERS AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION IN PEOPLE'S
POLAND
by PAUL J. BEST
Carpatho-Russyn Studies Group
Political Science Department
Southern Connecticut State University
New Haven CT 06515 USA
The problem of nationalism, nationality and national identity
is a constant in modern politics. That people make political
(and other) decisions based upon identification with certain
large groups of people according to, in its simplest, "a
common remembered historical tradition" need not be
demonstrated here since this phenomenon is too well known. The
national question, that is-what should be the role of a people
who are living within the political boundaries of a particular
state but who are not members of the predominant ethnic group-is
a vital question. Proposed solutions to this problem may be
grouped for convenience sake into six general categories:
1. assimilation
2. extermination
3. autonomy
4. joint or co-nationality
5. multi-ethnic or pluralistic supra-nationalism
6. the Marxist-Leninist approach
Each of these categories comes with a large number of variations.
Assimilation may be similar to the American "Melting
Pot" idea where all groups save perhaps those identifiable
by skin color eventually will blend together to form a single
people within a single state without overt pressure. This is,
of course, possible in cases of voluntary migration for economic
and political reasons and in conditions of a relatively empty
land. Another way is to ignore differences and form a unitary
system based upon a predominant culture without suppressing a
minority, such as in France. Assimilation can also be forced by
removing national cultural elements from a people and/or
substituting alien values. The notion of cultural genocide might
fit into this category. Certainly the Russification program
pursued in Imperial Russia is a good example of this.
Extermination is a frequently used and popular method and has
the advantage of finality. Russian expansion across Siberia and
American expansion across the North American continent resulted
in the near removal of native elements. Nazi Germany exemplifies,
of course, the use of the ultimate solution of this type.
Extermination need not be physical, however, since a non-conforming
element may be simply driven out or dispersed, such as in 16th
century Spain.
Autonomous solutions refer to various sorts of separate communities
that could be established either in the form of separate units without
clear political boundaries-Ghettos for example-or in definite provinces
or districts within a given state. This could even be without much legal
attachment to the parent state such as the autonomous legal situation of
some American Indians in the USA where Indians were not even citizens
until 1928, and then tribes or groups of tribes and reservations were
supposed to represent nations". Joint or co-national solutions can
be found in Canada where bi-lingualism is being institutionalized or in
Great Britain where the Scotch, Welsh, and English combine-although the
English element is clearly predominant. Multi-ethnic, pluralistic methods
encourage a multiplicity of national identifications while fostering either
overtly or subliminally a supra-national identification which may not
have even existed before. Such solutions may be seen, for example in the
USA with the development of an American nationality, in Canada with a
Canadian nationality, or in the USSR with a Soviet one. Although, to be
sure, in each case a certain culture predominates.
We need not go into a long sociological discussion about nationality
since there are a goodly number of thick scholarly tomes dealing with
this. However some general remarks must he inserted here before
discussing the Marxist-Leninist point of view concerning the national
question. Nationality, as we know it in a general way, is a product
of modern times. It developed when national languages began to come
into literary use under the influence of the Renaissance and Reformation.
Clashes between religions, political entities, interpretations of history,
cultures, languages created the necessary conditions for a people to
start defining who it was in terms of race, color, religion, language,
history, customs, culture and territory. To be sure national feeling,
and identification with a particular group, slowly developed and was
not everywhere equal. The modern history of Europe is to a great extent
concerned with a bloody sorting out of national interests until states
based on national principles were established-France, Spain, Italy,
Germany, Hungary, Romania, Greece, etc. However since a national area
has yet to be coterminous with any given state the problem leads
constantly to disruption (e.g. Basques in Spain, Slovenes in Austria,
Hungarians in Yugoslavia and Romania, former Germans in Czechoslovakia,
Irish in Northern Ireland). Western historians, sociologists, and
political scientists recognize nationality as a modern world-wide
phenomenon greatly advanced in some countries and only now developing
in others. That this phenomenon is not totally explainable is accepted
although many theories have been advanced. It certain that national
feeling exists today as a major stimulus to action and that it is not
disappearing anywhere. In fact some political scientists have felt that
this is the most important single factor in the 20th century. Followers
of a particular political philosophy, however, claim to have understood
the roots of nationalism, explained its progress, and to have pointed
out its inevitable decline.
Marxists, or more particularly, Marxist-Leninists, maintain that modern
nationalism has its roots in the capitalist stage of history. In Europe,
the results of Feudal decline, the collapse of the universal church,
the rise of vernacular languages prepared the ground for the bourgeois
to move into power. In order to control the new working class and to
ensure a certain territorially defined market the capitalists encouraged
and supported the identification of the masses with a particular language,
history, religion, and political entity (state) . The establishment of
these vertical non-class national relations ensured the capitalists a
given mass and market to exploit. These national relations also served
the purpose of dividing the working masses, and particularly the
proletariat, into discrete manageable units which could be more
easily controlled. The core of the laboring people, the proletariat,
had, in the course of developing class consciousness, to realize that
the horizontal class relations between proletarians of whatever country
had more meaning then any others (proletarian class consciousness and
proletarian internationalism). When the laboring masses through the
leadership of the proletariat and its vanguard, the Communist Party,
seized power, nationalism would 110 longer have its old meaning; it
would no longer be important politically. In the transition to
communism the divisive elements of nationalism would gradually
disappear as each understood the truths of scientific Marxism.
Language and culture might remain but the negative elements of
national exclusiveness and chauvinism would disappear along with
other bourgeois hangovers. To be sure during an undefined transitional
period some accommodation with national feeling would have to be made.
Lenin and Stalin proposed to allow all national groups to have the
right to self-determination exercised in the interests of the working
class as part of the Communist program for Russia. The result was the
formation of a union of national republics which theoretically allowed
the fullest development of a nationality while maintaining proletarian
solidarity. The formula, "National in Form, Socialist in
Content" was to be applied. Eventually the necessity for
having such a nationally organized state would disappear. Nikita
Khrushchev reportedly, in opening discussions for a new Soviet
constitution, felt that this stage had been reached in the USSR and
called for a total revision of the state structure.
In any case it remains to examine exactly how Marxist-Leninists would
apply their theoretical ideas in the real world, in concrete application.
Much has been written about how that paradigm of communism, the USSR,
applies these notions to the solution of the national question. Certainly
its large population and multiplicity of national groups create 30 ideal
situation for a gigantic social experiment to prove the truth of
Marxism-Leninism in this realm. At this point in history the answer is
not yet in, but certainly one can state that the results so far are
mixed. But let us not use a country where the predominant nationality
has recently slipped from majority status and where historical and
social problems may unduly influence the application of principles,
where the main element may feel somewhat under pressure. Let us look
at a socialist state which claims 94%-97& homogeneity and whose
treatment of national minorities could not he influenced by fear.
National groups that have existed or exist in post-war Poland are the
following, enumerated in order of number at the end of World War II
on the present territory of Poland:
1. Germans
2. Ukrainians
3. Lemki
4. Jews
5. Byelorussians
6. Lithuanians
7. Czechs
8. Slovaks
9. Russians
The last four are insignificant in terms of numbers, I do riot consider
the Kashubians or Silesians as having a separate national consciousness
although their languages are quite different from Polish.
The third largest group, the Lemko, is virtually unknown in the West and
since WW II scarcely mentioned in Poland. The Lemki are also known as
Rusniaki, Lemkowie on the northern slope of the Carpathian mountains and
Lemaki or Rusini on the southern slope. The Lemki formerly inhabited the
mountains in what is now the southeastern part of Poland, stretching from
Stary Sacz in the Beskid Sadecki to somewhat east of Komancza in the
Bieszczady, including the whole of the Beskid Niski. The word "Lemko"
most certainly derives from the word "Lem," a word peculiar to
the Lemki, which means "only" or "but" -used frequently
in the spoken language of this group. The existence of this ethnic group
can be traced back to the 15th and 16th centuries when a pastoral nomadic
population pushing along the Carpathians mountains began 10 appear with
its sheep in the uninhabited or thinly populated valleys of the southern
mountain region of Poland. These people were a mixed group of eastern
Slaves and Vlachs (Romanians) - They brought a primitive pastoral mode
of life, certain Balkan and Slavic customs, and Byzantine Christianity
with them. Over the centuries Polish, Slovak, Hungarian, and German
influences were felt with the first predominating on the northern slope
of the Carpathians and the second on the southern slope. These people
were virtually ignored for centuries after they settled in the inaccessible
mountains. During the period of serfdom they were formally under the control
of Polish lords, the Roman Catholic Church, or certain cities but they
managed to maintain a certain autonomy. When pressure became too great,
the Lemki resorted to a sort of Robin-Hood banditry. Major trade routes
lay through the mountain passes of the Lemko area (Lemkovshchizna)
connecting the Hungarian cities with Poland. During the 15th, 16th,
17th, and 18th centuries a relative prosperity existed in these
mountains due to sheep raising, light agriculture, bee cultivation,
and primitive handicrafts.
The religion of the Lemki remained without persecution since Byzantine
Christianity was legitimate according to the provisions of the Union
of Brest. The partitions of Poland found the Lemki district in the
Austrian part. Due to the decline of sheep herding and a general rise
in population, Lemkovshchizna fell on hard times. The 19th century was
a period of poverty and decline. In the latter half of the century a
national awaking occurred in the remote villages, the ending of serfdom,
the Austrian policy of setting Ukrainian against Pole and vice versa
affected the Lemki. Also there is reason to believe that pro-Russian
agitators visited the villages to arouse "Moscophilism"
among the native population Massive emigration began out of the
over-populated valley pockets of poverty, to the industrializing
Cities of Austria-Hungary, to Germany, and to North America. World
War I had a profound influence in the Lemko area because major battles
were fought over the Carpathian passes, especially in the Beskid Niski
region. The Lemki were subject to heavy pressure from both sides, the
Austrians demanding loyalty to the state while the Russians sought
support based on Slavic brotherhood and common religion. The Austrians
arrested large numbers of accused Moscophils and placed them in the
Talerhof concentration camp. Many other Lemki fled to Russia when the
Imperial army was forced to retreat from the Carpathians.
The defeat of both combatants created conditions for the resurrection
of Poland leaving the Lemki in an ambivalent situation. Were they to be
Poles? Or should they be Ukrainians, possibly they could claim to be
Byzantine Slovaks. Or perhaps they might be considered a group of their
own. The church could not answer that question since it was
"Greek" Catholic and hence not definable in national
terms. Interestingly enough there was a short-lived Lemko National
Republic declared in 1919 which was put down by the Polish authorities.
Others identified with the Ukrainian cause and fought with the Rada
while yet other Lemki proposed to join Lemkovshchizna to Slovakia.
There was very little pro-Russian sentiment.
During the inter-war years the Lemki were assaulted by several tendencies
and influences-first there was a pro-Ukrainian pro-orthodox movement which
split the Lemki into warring camps; actual pitched battles were fought with
clubs and fists over church property. Part of this was imported from North
America where a church schism had occurred owing to jurisdictional clashes
between the Roman and Byzantine clergy. In the pre-W.W. I years this schism
was assisted by the Imperial Russian state. However in the inter-war years
the general population kept aloof from either Ukrainian or Polish politics.
The Greek Catholic Church held its ground in the main and the basically
conservative and (now) dairy farming peasants caused no particular trouble
to the Polish authorities. They were rewarded with schools with instruction
in both Polish and Lemko (an Eastern Slavic dialect) akin to Western Ukrainian
with a heavy admixture of Western Slavic-Polish and Slovak syntax and
vocabulary; also Hungarian and German loan words appear frequently. Lemki
served in the Polish army but were otherwise benignly neglected.
World War II brought great woe on Lemkovshchizna. The Carpathians being
ideal guerrilla territory were used during the war years as bases for a
large resistance movement, the largest single group being that of the
Polish Home Army (AK). The Germans did not gain support among the Lemki
for their program of establishing a separate "mountaineer"
nationality-i.e. non-Polish pro-German. Nor did both the German supported
Ukrainian movement or independent Ukrainians gain a foothold. Few
communists, even according to their own claims, existed in the mountains.
However, due to German anti-guerrilla campaigns and the guerrilla strikes
much of Lemkovshchizna was fought over. Despite this the Lemko district
came through the war in relatively good condition-with the exception of
the Dukla Pass area which was the scene of a major Soviet-German battle
in 1941.
While it is true that in North America the North Slope Lemki immigrants
changed the names of their churches from Greek Catholic to Ukrainian
Catholic, the inhabitants of the homeland did not. In fact to this day
controversy rages in the South Slope Lemki communities as to whether
they are Byzantine Rite Slovaks or Ukrainians. The North Slope Lemko
neither identified themselves as Poles, nor did they adhere to the
Ukrainian cause. While battles raged between Soviet and Polish forces
on the one side and Ukrainian resistance and freedom fighters on the
other (the UPA) and while the eastern border Lemki were being slaughtered
in the cross fire in the Bieszczady, the Beskid Niski and Beskid Sadecki
regions were relatively quiet-although from time to time a unit of the
UPA did pass through the area.
Before the war the Soviet Union had already determined to settle its
border and national questions with Poland. In 1989 in concert with
Nazi Germany the USSR incorporated the so-called Western Byelorussia
and Western Ukraine into the Soviet State. The compact wedge of
Lemkovshchizna was not, however, touched. Even though espousing the
Ukrainian cause in the prewar, war, and post-war years with the
establishment by Fiat of frontiers with Czechoslovakia and Poland,
again the Lemko region was left outside the Soviet state even though,
on the ground of its being part of Eastern Slavdom, both sides of the
Carpathians in Czechoslovakia and Poland, as far west as south of Cracow,
could have been claimed. For reasons best known to the Soviets the river
San was selected as the South East border of Poland with the USSR.
The Soviets did not necessarily mean to leave these people in Poland,
however. Along with the general transfer of populations between the
USSR and Poland the Lemki -were encouraged to leave for the
motherland-the Ukraine. Uniformed Soviet agitators visited the
Lemko villages for the purpose of arranging the transfer. It has
been estimated that about 25% of the population took advantage of
this offer and departed with their belongings in 1945 and 1946.
This did not satisfy the new People's authorities because soon the
entire area of Lemkovshchizna was to be de-populated.
In 1947 the Soviet and Polish armies were waging mop-up operations
against UPA elements in concert with the not-yet totally communist
Czechoslovak army. The Polish chief of operations General Karol
Swierczewski "Walter" was assassinated in the Bieszczady.
To this day it is not fully clear how this death occurred. The
official version is that Swierczewski was hit by a UPA sniper while
inspecting troops on a mountain road. Others believe that he was
eliminated either because of intra-party struggle in the Polish
Workers Party or it was the NKVD settling an old score from Walter's
participation in the Spanish Civil War. Whatever the real reason for
his death, it was used as an excuse for a drastic settlement of the
national question in the Polish Carpathians.
In 1947 the entire non-Polish population of the southeast Carpathians
was forcibly removed and sent into exile. Under provisions of the so
called "Vistula Action" military campaign, and in agreement
with the Soviet and Czechoslovak forces operating in the general area,
the UPA forces were to be deprived of their infrastructure by the mass
removal of populations. This removal only took place in the Polish
portions of the Lemko lands. The resettlement of the Lemki began in
April 1947 and was completed by the end of July of the same year. Those
forcibly resettled could only take personal effects with them and some
food and some farm animals. The population was required to walk Out of
the mountains or, in some cases, was carried out by horse cart. They
were taken to the nearest railhead and loaded on cattle cars for
transportation to the newly acquired Western and Northern lands of Poland.
Polish data mention 50,000 people as being resettled from
Lemkovshchizna; it seems unlikely that an exact-figure will
ever be known. In the village by village action the people
normally were given three hours to prepare for transport
and after they left the village was given over to pillage
by the army and others, after which the cottages were burned,
the remains razed. No one was allowed to live in the
dc-populated districts. From the railhead the Lemki were sent
in three to seven day journeys to designated dispersal
points-Olsztyn, Szczecinek, Poznan, and Wroclaw. They were
then scattered throughout the regained territories with no
more than several families being allowed per village. Since
they were the last to arrive in these lands, they found slim
pickings indeed. Also their previous form of life did not help
much in adapting to new climatic and agricultural conditions.
The farm animals died due to the changed fodder, and crops that
would grow in the mountains failed on the plains. Beyond that
many of the Lemki met with hostility from the Polish population,
especially from those repatriated from the USSR since they tended
to blame Ukrainian elements for their situation and it seemed to
them that the Lemki were a type of Ukrainian. It was many many
years before the Lemki were able to overcome climatic, agricultural
and psychological difficulties and to acclimate to the new situation.
It is clear that in concert with the Soviets the Lemki were to be
dispersed so no compact non-Polish population would remain within
Poland's new postwar borders. At the time of the resettlement the
Ukrainians were. not a popular group with Soviet leaders, and
Stalin's attitude is well known. It is interesting to note that
the Lemki on the south slope in Slovakia were not transported
although the Greek-Catholic Church was forcibly dissolved in 1948
and all members, clergy, and buildings were placed tinder Orthodox
control. According to Slovak observers steps were taken to convince
the Lemki that they were Ukrainian and that native Ukrainian priests
from the Soviet Ukraine were placed in the churches. Only in 1968 was
the Greek Catholic Church allowed to reestablish itself, and nearly
every parish voted to return to this church. Many Lemki leaders assert
that they were Byzantine rite Slovaks.
Returning to the situation of the Lemki in Poland-until 1958 the
resettlers were under tight supervision. They were not allowed to
leave their villages without permission and were not allowed overt
displays of nationality. Since that time theoretically the Lemki
are free to return to their mountain homeland but it is practically
impossible for them to do so. Firstly, administrative blocks prevent
easy sale of land and transfer of families. Secondly, the old land
has been given over to new settlers and occupied; therefore ancient
family land must be purchased. Others resettled on state farms find
it difficult to withdraw, children born in the west and north have no
memory of the old land. Also, practically speaking, life in the new
territories became easier than mountain life, which was poverty-stricken.
It can not be discounted too that positive administrative restraints
are in force preventing a new majority of Lemki developing in the old
district. Despite all this there has been a gradual return of Lemki
to the mountains so that today some villages have a Lemko majority.
What is the situation of the Lemki in the 1970s? Culturally speaking
they are served by the ''Ukrainian Social-Cultural Society'', which
was established in 1958. This organization, with its headquarters in
Warsaw publishes a newspaper, Nashe Slovo, and it has been said to
supply some Ukrainian language instruction in its local cltils hotises~
This organization is not strong among these Lemki, many of whom do not
identify with the Ukrainians in Poland. Lemko language instruction
is nowhere available in schools in Poland. The only particularly
Lemko cultural activity is found in the "Lemko page"
(Lemkiv'ska Storinka) of Nashe Slovo. Religiously speaking, the
Greek Catholic Church continues to exist. Leaders of this church
claim a membership of some 300,000 in Poland but are unable to say
how many are Lemki. However it is considered a sub-division and thus
does not have a life of its own. There isn't even a Greek-Catholic
bishop and priests of the Eastern Rite, subordinate to local Roman
Catholic ordinaries, must, in 90% of the cases, use a Latin Rite
chords for services. That these activities are impeded by the Latins
is common knowledge. The Orthodox Church is in a somewhat better
condition since it is autocephalic, although it serves more
Byelorussians and Ukrainians, then Lemki.
The situation of the Lemki is thus one of dispersion and gradual
disappearance. The language can not be effectively cultivated.
Lemko culture is also difficult to continue in conditions of dispersal.
The Eastern Rite whether of the Greek or Orthodox variety is under
pressure from the Roman church and beyond that is suspect by
administrative authorities. According to the well known Polish
sociologist Andzej Kwilecki,1) the first generation born in the
diaspora in the Western and Northern lands already ceased to
identify exclusively with the Lemko group but considers itself
something in the nature of a Lemko-Pole. And despite parental
objections mixed marriages are frequent due to the lack of an
eligible Lemko mate, among other reasons. The author foresees
the gradual assimilation of this element into the predominant
Polish population. Only a few isolated communities in the mountains
maintain themselves today.
Returning now to the previously stated Marxist-Leninist view of
the national question, the reader will easily discern the total
lack of connection between theory and practice. The Lemko nation
has fallen victim to a number of practices contemned as capitalist
and/or fascist. It has seen forcibly dissolved, administratively
dispersed and deprived of its culture and language, and is undergoing
heavy Polonization pressure. That such a dichotomy should exist
between theory and practice is nor unexpected for a Student of
Soviet type States, but that the application of Stalinist principles
should have been so harsh in regard to a relatively unoffending people
in the cause of national unity by a people and a country which itself
has so heavily suffered from Russian and German chauvinism and
oppression is a sad commentary on the general state of man's relations
with his fellow man.
1 Andrzej Kwilecki, Lemkowie: Zagadnienie Migracji i Asymilacji,
( Lemki: Problems of Migration and Assimilation, Warsaw: Panstwowe
Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1974)
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